Imperialist Feminism

Author Bio: 

Dr. Omi Salas-SantaCruz is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Education, Culture, & Society at the University of Utah. Their work intersects decolonial theory, transgender studies, and Latinx feminism, focusing on the educational experiences of queer and trans students of color. With a background in critical studies of race, class, and gender, Dr. Salas-SantaCruz brings a unique perspective to issues of gender and social justice in education. They are particularly invested in frameworks like Jotería pedagogy and decolonial trans* feminism to challenge colonial and normative logics in academia.

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Omi Salas-SantaCruz. "Imperialist Feminism". Kohl: a Journal for Body and Gender Research Vol. 11 شماره 1 (22 ژانویه 2025): pp. -. (Last accessed on 30 ژانویه 2025). Available at: https://kohljournal.press/fa/node/445.
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Imperialist feminism is a critique of certain feminist perspectives that inadvertently support or align with imperialist ideologies under the guise of advocating for women’s rights. This term is used to describe the intersection where feminism and imperialism overlap, often leading to the imposition of Western feminist ideals on non-Western societies (Mohanty 1988). During the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the term “imperialist feminism” gained prominence among scholars and activists who criticized the ways in which feminist rhetoric was co-opted by governments and institutions to justify military interventions, particularly in the Middle East and South Asia. These interventions were often framed as efforts to “save” women from oppressive regimes or practices, sidelining local women’s movements and imposing Western standards of gender equality.

Imperialist feminism manifests through distinct characteristics that highlight its complex interplay with broader sociopolitical dynamics. One of the primary features is ethnocentrism, where there is an implicit assumption that Western feminist ideals are universally applicable. This perspective often leads to the overlooking or diminishing of the rich diversity of women’s experiences and struggles across various cultures and societies. Additionally, a paternalistic attitude is evident in the way Western feminists or policymakers position themselves as the “saviors” of oppressed women in different parts of the world (Spivak 1988). This stance fails to genuinely engage with or empower these women, effectively silencing their voices and negating their agency. Moreover, imperialist feminism is frequently complicit with imperialism itself, aligning with and bolstering broader imperialist agendas. It employs the rhetoric of women’s rights to justify interventions in other countries, interventions that, although framed as efforts to promote gender equality, often primarily serve political or economic interests.

Critics of imperialist feminism argue that it undermines the autonomy and agency of women in non-Western societies by imposing external solutions to their struggles. This critique points out the colonial gender continuum, or the colonial underpinnings of institutional solutions, emphasizing the importance of solidarity that respects cultural differences and supports local women’s movements. Furthermore, critics highlight how imperialist feminism can perpetuate stereotypes about non-Western societies being inherently oppressive towards women, thereby reinforcing a simplistic binary between the “progressive West” and the “backward rest” without considering the complexity of agency in non-Western contexts (Mahmood 2005).

These critiques urge a re-examination of feminist practices to ensure they do not inadvertently support neo-colonial agendas. They advocate for a more inclusive and intersectional feminism that recognizes the complexity of gender oppression and seeks to amplify diverse voices within the global feminist movement.

Notable examples where feminist rhetoric was co-opted by governments to justify military interventions include the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. This invasion was partly framed as an effort to liberate Afghan women from the Taliban’s oppressive regime. While the plight of Afghan women under the Taliban was severe, critics argue that the invasion did not fundamentally improve women’s rights and instead resulted in significant harm to Afghan society. This case illustrates the dangers of co-opting feminist rhetoric for military and imperialist purposes (Abu-Lughod 2013).

In the context of Palestinian queer and trans rights, imperialist feminism and broader Western advocacy can similarly exhibit a form of interventionism that overlooks the complex realities on the ground. This is particularly evident when Western narratives focus on the rights of queer and trans Palestinians exclusively through the prism of oppression by Palestinian society or governance, without fully acknowledging the compounded challenges posed by the Israeli occupation and ongoing genocide.

While societal conservatism is often cited as a barrier to queer and trans rights in Palestinian society, it is essential to understand that the Israeli occupation and genocide block Palestinian society from engaging in the kinds of societal discussions that would open up space for addressing gender and sexuality. The occupation imposes material, legal, and social constraints that make conversations around queer and trans rights extremely difficult. Haneen Maikey’s work effectively analyzes how these blockages operate, showing that the occupation not only stifles public discourse but also curtails the development of spaces where Palestinian society can grapple with these issues on its own terms. Rather than attributing the lack of progress solely to social conservatism, it is important to recognize how the occupation systematically prevents the emergence of such discussions.

Additionally, the practice of pinkwashing – where Israel markets itself as a beacon of LGBTQ+ rights to distract from its colonial violence against Palestinians – further complicates the discourse around Palestinian queer and trans rights. Western LGBTQ+ organizations and advocates often point to Israel’s relatively progressive stance on LGBTQ+ rights as a model, while ignoring the impact of occupation on Palestinian queer and trans communities. Pinkwashing allows Israel to sanitize its image on the global stage by promoting its LGBTQ+ rights policies, even as it continues to oppress Palestinians. Activists such as Haneen Maikey and groups like alQaws for Sexual & Gender Diversity in Palestinian Society challenge this narrative, emphasizing that the fight for queer and trans liberation in Palestine is inseparable from the broader struggle for national liberation and self-determination.

Palestinian queer and trans activists frequently highlight the need for intersectionality and solidarity, underscoring how their struggles for gender and sexual liberation are intrinsically linked to resisting the Israeli occupation. Groups like alQaws work within the context of Palestinian culture and the realities of occupation, striving to create inclusive narratives and spaces that respect both national identity and sexual and gender diversity. They actively resist imperialist feminist frameworks that view Western intervention as necessary for their liberation. As Palestinian scholars and activists such as Angelique Abboud and Haneen Maikey have shown, the queer and trans movements in Palestine are deeply embedded within the broader resistance to colonialism, and their activism cannot be divorced from this context.

Today, imperialist feminism remains a contentious issue within feminist circles and broader socio-political debates. The rise of global feminist solidarity movements and the internet has facilitated more nuanced discussions about respecting cultural differences while fighting for universal human rights. Feminists are increasingly seeking ways to support each other’s struggles across borders without imposing external views, emphasizing collaboration, listening, and learning from diverse feminist perspectives to adapt feminist ideas across different cultural contexts (Ong 2006).

 

یادداشت‌ها: 
References: 

Abu-Lughod, Lila. 2015. Do Muslim Women Need Saving? Sage Journals, 15(5), 759–777.

Mahmood, Saba. 2005. Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. 1984. Under Western eyes: Feminist scholarship and colonial discourses. Boundary, 2, 333–358.

Ong, Aihwa. 2006. Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. 1988. Can the Subaltern Speak? In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, eds. Lawrence Grossberg and Cary Nelson. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 271–313.